Friday, May 23, 2025

Suicide and the Sixth Commandment: You Are Not Allowed to Kill Yourself Anymore than You Are Allowed to Kill Another Person


I often say that I am not, or that I do not appear to be, particularly religious. And yet, once you think about it — as I have pointed out in The Real Reason for Secularism (For the Left, the Golden Rule and the 10 Commandments turn out to be a major problem) — religion turns out to be far more humane than secularism. After all, leftists do not consider their neighbors and their fellow citizens as (equal to) themselves, but as children, either as innocents in need of protection or as dirty brats in need of punishment.

Leftists at the head of a nanny government obviously don't think you are their equals, socialists do not believe in "do not covet" (taxes), communists do not believe in "do not kill", nanny governments do not believe in "honoring your father and mother" (your family) — certainly not above Big Brother — and above all, all of the above do not believe in "Do not bear false witness."

 … Bearing false witness: leftists allow themselves to lie to others, and they allow themselves to lie to themselves — all to bask in their own valor and glory, as these knights in shining armor turn everything upside down.
In that perspective, leftists have been presenting suicide (like abortion) as not only beneficial, but in need of assistance (like everything else) from the state. In her article, Canada Might Begin Euthanizing Kids Without Parental Consent, Catherine Salgado notes that one particular truth that leftists have been hiding is that "Leftism really is a death cult."

Some of the politicians in the increasingly Communist and dictatorial country of Canada are reportedly still considering allowing kids to be euthanized — even without parental consent. That is outright murder.

It is incredible how everyone can agree that children and teens are not of age to decide they can get tattoos or drink alcohol, and leftists lose their minds at the proposal that minors should learn how to handle firearms safely. But at the same time, leftists screech that kids should be able to choose to receive cross-sex hormones and even permanently mutilating surgeries for “transgenderism” from the earliest ages. And in the future, apparently, the kids who are banned from buying cigarettes might be able to request suicide without their parents knowing.

In his series on the Ten Commandments, Dennis Prager points out that the original Hebrew says not, Thou Shalt Not Kill, but Thou Shalt Not Murder. 

Whatever the case, the point remains that, according to none other than God Himself, you are not allowed to murder, or to kill, your own self anymore than you are allowed to murder, or to kill, another person (i.e., your neighbor whom, according to the Golden Rule, you are supposed to treat as well as yourself, and vice-versa). If you must treat your neighbor as your self, and if you are not allowed to kill him (or to lie to him), it stands to reason that the only conclusion is that you are not allowed to kill (or, for that matter, to lie to) yourself either.

Wednesday, May 21, 2025

JD Vance (Video): "Chief Justice Roberts recently said the role of the court is to check the excesses of the executive. I thought that was a profoundly wrong sentiment. That’s one-half of his job. The other half of his job is to check the excesses of his own branch."


JD Vance: I worry that unless the Supreme Court steps in here, or unless the District Courts exercise a little bit more discretion, we are running into a real conflict between two important principles in the United States.

Principle 1 of course is that courts interpret the law. Principle 2 is that the American people decide how they’re governed. That’s the fundamental small-d democratic principle that’s at the heart of the American project. I think that you are seeing, and I know this is inflammatory, but I think you are seeing an effort by the courts to quite literally overturn the will of the American people. To be clear, it’s not most courts. But I saw an interview with Chief Justice Roberts recently where he said the role of the court is to check the excesses of the executive. I thought that was a profoundly wrong sentiment. That’s one-half of his job. The other half of his job is to check the excesses of his own branch. You cannot have a country where the American people keep on electing immigration enforcement and the courts tell the American people they’re not allowed to have what they voted for. That’s where we are right now.

While in Rome to meet the new pope, America's vice-president also joined at the U.S. Embassy in Rome for the columnist's New York Times podcast, which led to a lengthy talk about JD Vance on His Faith and Trump’s Most Controversial Policies. (The two Catholics kind of look — and sound — alike; video at the hyperlink.)

JD Vance: I’ve talked to a lot of cardinals this weekend, just because there are a lot of cardinals here in Rome, and one of the arguments that I’ve made, very respectfully — I’ve had a lot of good, respectful conversations, including with cardinals who very strongly disagree with my views on migration — is that it’s easy to get locked in left versus right; the left respects the dignity of migrants and the right is motivated by hatred. Obviously, that’s not my view, but I think some liberal immigration advocates get locked in the view that the only reason JD Vance wants to enforce the borders more stridently is because he is motivated by some kind of hatred or some kind of grievance.

 … I really do think that social solidarity is destroyed when you have too much migration too quickly.

That’s not because I hate the migrants or I’m motivated by grievance. That’s because I’m trying to preserve something in my own country where we are a unified nation. And I don’t think that can happen if you have too much immigration too quickly.

 … Ross Douthat: The Trump administration, while running for president, made two promises: We’re going to secure the border and we’re going to deport a substantial number of the people who entered illegally under the previous administration.

I would say that you have been more successful than I expected at swiftly securing the border. On deportations, it seems like the actual process is not moving that quickly, and there’s a lot of debates in the courts and elsewhere about relatively small numbers of potential deportees.

Vance: Sure.

Douthat: So, looking ahead four years from now, what would constitute success in immigration policy at the end of this term?

Vance: Well, not to pat ourselves on the back too much, but I do think the most important success is stopping the flow of illegal migration to begin with. And I think that the president has succeeded wildly on that. I agree, it’s been greater than my expectations, and I had high expectations. We’ve done a very good job there, and I think the president deserves a great deal of credit.

On the deportation question, first, this is just a minor wonky point that kind of bothers me in the way this is reported in the media. Sometimes you will hear people say that deportations in the Trump administration are down relative to the Biden administration. That is in fact an artifact of the fact that the Biden border was effectively wide open. In other words, if somebody comes across the border illegally and you immediately turn them around, or you schedule a deportation hearing and say, come back for your hearing, a lot of both of those would get counted as deportation.

So you can have a lot of deportations when you have quite literally millions of people per year walking across the border. That’s low-hanging fruit in terms of deportation. So just a point of clarification there.

Douthat: That’s completely fair. But at the current pace of deportations, you would be deporting numbers commensurate with prior presidents and not commensurate with the numbers who entered.

Vance: That’s right.

I’m sure New York Times listeners are going to be scandalized by this line of argumentation, but I think it’s really important. In some ways, the deportation infrastructure that is developed in the United States is not adequate to the task, given what Joe Biden left us.

There are different estimates of how many illegal immigrants came in under the Biden administration. Was it 12 million? Was it 20 million? It’s hard to count this stuff because you have known got-aways, you have unknown got-aways. You have the people that we never even saw cross the border. So there’s a little bit of guesswork in all this.

I actually think the number is much closer to 20 million than to 12 million ——

Douthat: Just to pause there, one of the most hard-core, critical of illegal immigration think tanks, when I looked into this, had its estimate in the 10 million to 12 million range.

Vance: That’s right. They did. And I think they’re undercounting it, because I think they’re counting the people that we were aware of. I don’t think they were counting that estimate of unknown got-aways. They weren’t counting certain classes of asylum seekers, of temporary protected status seekers. So they were answering a question as honestly as they could. But I think, if you look at the grand scheme of it, it’s higher.

But look, whether it’s 12 million or whether it’s 20 million, it’s a lot. That’s a lot of work ahead of us, and here are two things that we can do. I think one thing is a little bit easier and one thing is a little bit harder. The first thing is you just have to have the actual law enforcement infrastructure to make this possible. And again, I think that we should treat people humanely. I think we have an obligation to treat people humanely, but I do think that a lot of these illegal immigrants have to go back to where they came from. That requires more law enforcement officers. It requires more beds at deportation facilities. It just requires more of the basic nuts and bolts of how you run a law enforcement regime in the context of deportation. And that’s one of the main things in the big, beautiful bill that is moving through Congress right now: more money for immigration enforcement. That’s what that money is for, to facilitate that deportation infrastructure.

There’s also a much more difficult question, and I think you see the president’s frustration and I’ve obviously expressed public frustration on this, which is, yes, illegal immigrants, by virtue of being in the United States, are entitled to some due process. But the due process ——

Douthat: To be clear, this is based on legislation. It’s not based on the judges who are making these decisions inventing this standard. It is a legislative standard.

Vance: But the amount of process that is due, how you enforce those legislative standards and how you actually bring them to bear, is, I think, very much an open question.

 … A lot of very well-funded NGOs went about the process of making it much harder to deport illegal aliens. In the year of our Lord 2025, we inherited a whole host of legal rules, and in some cases not even legal rules, and in some cases not even legal rules as much as arguments that had been made by left-wing NGOs that hadn’t actually been ruled on by the courts yet. And what we’re finding, of course, is that a small but substantial number of courts are making it very, very hard for us to deport illegal aliens.

Stephen Miller, our immigration czar in the White House, a good friend of mine, is thinking of all of these different and new statutory authorities, because there are a lot of different statutory authorities the president has to enforce the nation’s immigration laws. And there is, candidly, frustration on the White House side that we think that the law is very clear. We think the president has extraordinary plenary power. You need some process to confirm that these illegal aliens are, in fact, illegal aliens and not American citizens. But it’s not like we’re just throwing that process out. We’re trying to comply with it as much as possible and actually do the job that we were left ——

Douthat: OK, but ——

Vance: Let me just make one final philosophical point here. I worry that unless the Supreme Court steps in here, or unless the District Courts exercise a little bit more discretion, we are running into a real conflict between two important principles in the United States.

Principle 1 of course is that courts interpret the law. Principle 2 is that the American people decide how they’re governed. That’s the fundamental small-d democratic principle that’s at the heart of the American project. I think that you are seeing, and I know this is inflammatory, but I think you are seeing an effort by the courts to quite literally overturn the will of the American people. To be clear, it’s not most courts. But I saw an interview with Chief Justice Roberts recently where he said the role of the court is to check the excesses of the executive. I thought that was a profoundly wrong sentiment. That’s one-half of his job. The other half of his job is to check the excesses of his own branch. You cannot have a country where the American people keep on electing immigration enforcement and the courts tell the American people they’re not allowed to have what they voted for. That’s where we are right now.

We’re going to keep working it through the immigration court process, through the Supreme Court as much as possible.

 … Douthat: … The legal authorities that you guys have tried to use, the particular one is the Alien Enemies Act, which is an extremely aggressive claim about wartime powers that, as far as I can tell, even under the most aggressive interpretation is likely to apply only to an incredibly small number of migrants. The claim is not actually that five million migrants here illegally are in a state of war against the United States. Or is that the claim?

Vance: No, it’s not that five million are engaged in military conflict. I take issue that it’s an aggressive interpretation. Let me back up and take some issue with that premise. I don’t think that the supposition, if you look at the history and the context of those laws, is that for something to be an invasion you have to have five million uniformed combatants.

We don’t have five million uniformed combatants. I think I have to be careful here because some of this information is classified. How to put this point? I think that the courts need to be somewhat deferential. In fact, I think the design is that they should be extremely deferential to these questions of political judgment made by the people’s elected president of the United States.

Because when you say there aren’t five million people who are waging war, OK, but are there thousands, maybe tens of thousands of people? And then when you take their extended family, their networks, is it much larger than that? Who are quite dangerous people who I think very intentionally came to the United States to cause violence, or to at least profit from violence, and they’re fine if violence is an incidental effect of it? Yeah. I do, man. And I think people underappreciate the level of public safety stress that we’re under when the president talks about how bad crime is. You know, the one thing I’d love for the American media to do a little bit more is really go to a migrant community where you have, say, 60 percent legal immigrants and 40 percent illegal immigrants. The level of chaos, the level of violence, the level of I think truly premodern brutality that some of these communities have gotten used to. Whatever law was written, I think it vests us with the power to take very serious action against this. It’s bad. It’s worse than people appreciate, and it’s not Donald Trump.

 … This is not sustainable. And it’s not just unsustainable, like, oh, this is more immigrants than we used to have. This is a level of invasion that I think we already have laws to help us deal with. I wish the courts were more deferential. We’re very early innings in the court process, and even some of the capital-W worst Supreme Court decisions that have been made, the media says: Oh, this is a big blow to the administration. A lot of these things are very narrow procedural rulings. I think that we’re very early innings here on what the court is going to interpret the law to mean.

 … Typically, what I find when I look at the worst cases — I mean, the ones that the media seems so preoccupied with — I’m going to make a couple of observations about it. No. 1, it is hard to take seriously — now, this doesn’t absolve me from doing my duty as an American leader and hopefully as a Christian leader, too — but it is hard to take seriously the extraordinarily emotive condemnations of people who don’t care about the problem that I’m trying to solve and that the president is trying to solve.

That’s not you. It’s why I actually take your concerns seriously. I listen to most of your podcasts. I read most of your columns. So when I see people who for legitimately four years told me that I was a xenophobe for thinking that what Joe Biden was doing at the border was a serious problem, I am less willing — there’s a witness element to this — and I’m less willing to believe the witness of people who are now saying that this MS-13 gang member, and we’ll talk about that case in a second, this guy is somehow a very sympathetic person and you violated his civil rights, et cetera, et cetera.

 … I understand there may be disagreements about the judgments that we made here, but there’s just something that it’s hard to take serious when so many of the people who are saying we made a terrible error here are the same people who made no protests about how this guy got into the country in the first place, or what Joe Biden did for four years to the American Southern border.

 … There are two things about my boss — and I never reveal private conversations — there are two things about the president of the United States that I am extremely fascinated by. One is he has better instincts about human beings than anybody that I’ve ever met. Just almost a bizarre level of intuition about people.

Second, which I think is very underappreciated and it motivates the foreign policy in Ukraine and Russia, it motivates the things that he said about the Middle East, it motivates really a lot of them, is he has this sort of humanitarian impulse. And I’ve heard the president say: Maybe if we sent the very worst people to different places, then American prisons would be a little less violent. Because as you know, American prisons are not a good place. They’re not very good at rehabilitation. 

  … Douthat: … When I look at the big, beautiful bill working its way through the House and Senate, I see very conventional, small government Republican policymaking. Certainly not a kind of new industrial policy for the 21st century.  So is that out there as a possibility for the administration?

Vance: So, yes. But I think you’re underweighting how much there’s both a carrot and stick element to this and the Trump administration. Again, you see traditional Republicans, small government, blah, blah, blah, blah. OK, but we’re talking about no tax on overtime, no tax on tips. These are things that give domestic consumers more money. And if you combine giving domestic consumers more money with making it easier and cheaper to produce in America and more expensive to produce overseas, then that is, in our view, at least a form of industrial policy.

  … Douthat: Is there a legislative vision after the tax bill passes?

Vance: You know, you have to bite off only so much at a time, Ross, and I think that it’s not just a tax bill, of course, it’s an immigration bill. There are a lot of other parts of the policy agenda that matter. There’s a lot of regulatory relief in this bill. This bill is what we’re focused on. And then, yes, once we get this bill passed, we’re going to think about other legislative priorities.

 … Douthat: So, a couple of times in this interview, you’ve said something to me to the effect of: I know New York Times readers hate me, I know New York Times readers don’t like me and so on.

Vance: [Laughs.]

Douthat: But here’s the reality of the last couple of years as I experienced it as a New York Times conservative. The Trump-Vance ticket won a constituency you didn’t have before, that Trump didn’t have before in 2016.

Vance: Sure.

Douthat: That included the kind of people who read The New York Times. People who were exhausted by wokeness ——

Vance: Yes. And by the way, if they don’t like me, I still love them.

I’m just trying to acknowledge that a point that I make may not land particularly well, but go ahead.

Douthat: … There’s a group of people who, it’s not millions and millions of people, but it’s a real and substantial constituency that voted for you guys, to their own surprise. Or even if they didn’t vote for you, they woke up the day after the election — I heard a lot of people say this — and said: You know, in the end, I was glad they won.

 … So then, generally, you’re going to face the voters by proxy in the midterms.

You may face the voters personally in some future.

But to this constituency that was pro-Trump — again, maybe it’s to its own surprise, but has found itself sort of shocked at various points in the first few months — what is your pitch to them right now?

Vance: I guess my pitch to them would be: We came into the administration with what we believe was a mandate from the American people to make government more responsive to the elected will of the people and less responsive to bureaucratic intransigence.

  … I think that if in two years you look at the past two years, or in four years you look at the past four years, what I hope to be able to say and what I think is true today and will still be true then is that we actually have done, with some bumps, we’ve done a good job at making the government more responsive. More efficient to the cabinet secretaries or the deputy secretaries in those departments. And that this sort of feeling of shock, I don’t dismiss it or diminish it, but I think that the system actually needed some pretty significant reform.

Donald Trump's First 100 Days: “The work accomplished in less than three months is colossal”


Interviewed for Valeurs Actuelles by Eric Revel about Donald Trump's first 100 days and in fact calling the work accomplished "titanic", ROF's Sébastien Laye considers that « Le travail accompli en moins de trois mois est titanesque. » 

If the United States had already made a mistake by welcoming China into the WTO, continuing to cosset itself with an aggressive competitor was pure idiocy.

Recently, Laye was also interviewed on la Matinale de Frontières Média.


 

Tuesday, May 20, 2025

If Biden Had a High Cancer Score While in the White House, Shouldn't He Have Had Surgery (a Biopsy) Under Anesthesia? Does Anybody Ever Remember Him Handing Over Authority to Kamala?


As if there weren't enough questions regarding Joe Biden's (lack of) transparency, and while Fox News senior health editor Melissa Rudy asks doctors to break down what it means that Biden’s prostate cancer is ‘hormone-sensitive’, our friend Duncan Hill digs up what so far seems to be an unasked question:

Last night I heard on the news that Biden's Gleason score was 9. Yikes, that's scary high. But, my next thought was a Gleason analysis required a biopsy. A biopsy from the prostate requires surgery...minor but still done with the patient under anesthesia. So, Biden was unconscious for a period of time. Doesn't he have to publicly hand over temporary authority to the Vice President? Does anybody remember that happening?

Whatever the timing of the biopsy was, there is no way in hell Biden's doctors weren't aware of elevated PSA. And if the cancer has progressed as far as they say it has, an elevated PSA would have shown up a long time ago.

Also, we're told that Biden was undergoing therapy for his cancer while he was occupying space in the Oval Office. Somewhere I heard it was hormone therapy and that was why he had poor balance and cognitive issues. When I was deciding on a therapy for my prostate cancer I did a deep dive into researching hormone therapy. Falling down and mumbling were never mentioned...never...at least in the patients and doctors that I talked to.

How come every Dem narrative falls apart with just a moment of thought applied? Forget it...I answered my own question.

As it happens, now a Former Biden medical advisor says he 'probably' had cancer at beginning of presidency (Dr. Ezekiel Emanuel is the brother of none other than Rahm "Never let a crisis goto waste" Emanuel).
You can count on another ol' amigo, Damian Bennett, to put 2 and 2 together, joining Joe Biden's Democrat Party and the mainstream media at the hip, and tell everybody
Never Forget, Never Forgive, J6 All Biden's Enablers
:
Table setting:

Réchauffage:
  • Chuck Schumer in 2024: "His mental acuity is great. It's fine. It's as good as it's been over the years."
    Chuck Schumer in 2025: "We're looking forward. That's it."
  • Karine Jean-Pierre in 2024: "He is sharp. He is on top of things."
    Karine Jean-Pierre in 2025: "I don't want to rehash the past."
  • J.B. Pritzker in 2024: "He is on the ball. The man knows more than most of us have forgotten."
    J.B. Pritzker in 2025: "Look, all this stuff about his health or, you know, commentary that people are making in books, uh, frankly, that's very backward looking."
  • Pete Buttigieg in 2024: "The president, the boss that I work for, is a focused and disciplined leader."
    Pete Buttigieg in 2025: "Right now with the benefit of hindsight, I think most people would agree [Biden shouldn't have run]. We're also not in a position to wallow in hindsight."
  • Jim Clyburn in 2024: "I do not believe that Joe Biden has a problem leading for the next four years."
    Jim Clyburn in 2025: "I have no idea. I don't have a medical degree."
  • Elizabeth Warren in 2024: "I talk to the man. The man is sharp. The man knows what he’s talking about. He does the job."
    Elizabeth Warren in 2025: "[barely contains laughter] ... The question is, what are we gonna do now?"
Enough, hundreds more like the above. For the record, ahead of the curve for years (actually since before the Bork, and Thomas hearings):

Mr. Biden has twice failed to convince his own party that he is presidential material (1988 garnering 2 delegates and most recently 2008, when he garnered none). Mr. Obama reached down and lifted him up, praising Mr. Biden as an exemplary substitute for himself.

Mr. Biden has some unusual experiences that qualify him for something, though not the presidency. [Pause.] Not even the vice presidency. For example, he managed to graduate from law school in the "top half" of his class while ranked 76th in a class of 85, scil., the bottom quintile. That's a very neat trick and valuable experience.

And there's more. There's always more with Joe. So much more that Mr. Obama has "assigned two veteran minders to travel with [Mr. Biden] — David Wilhelm, a former Democratic National Committee chairman, and David Wade, a former spokesman for Senator John Kerry." Mr. Wade follows Mr. Biden around and, when Mr. Biden misspeaks, Mr. Wade steps in. Mr. Wade explains that Mr. Biden's errors of factmisrepresentations of campaign positions (both Mr. McCain's and Mr. Obama's), misstatementsembellishmentsuntruthscheats, and wandering garrulity, all these go to prove Mr. Biden's humanity.   

•  DGB: Joe Biden Is An Idiot October 23, 2008
  • DGB: Joe On The Job February 27, 2009
  • DGB: The Enforcer March 21, 2009
  • DGB: Joe On The Job V May 4, 2009
  • DGB: Joe On The Job VI July2, 2009
  • DGB: Joe On The Job IX November 22, 2009
  • DGB: Joe On The Job X January 13, 2010
  • DGB: Joe Biden Is An Idiot IV -- Palace Coup! March 23, 2011
    Special Constitutional Scholar Edition

    On and on and on through 2012... 
    ...then E-Nough! shuttered in 2013, then innumerable emails. Make it stop! OK, enough.

    The lying press wants you to believe they were lied to. The lying Democrats want you to believe they were lied to. Biden's lying enablers now want you to embrace the pitiable benignity of Robert Hur's assessment of Biden, a “sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory”. It is long past due for Republicans to act like Democrats and J6 everyone complicit in Joe Biden's Potemkin presidency.

    Throughout all the lying and revealed truth and finger-pointing one thing has remained constant, immutable -- Joe Biden has always been a self-serving, self-aggrandizing, vain dishonest small man, envious and tormented by the success of others. He is undeserving of forgiveness because he is incapable of contrition. He has no soul. He is an asshole.
  •  

    ROF President Joins I24 Debate to Discuss Donald Trump's Middle East trip and its impact on Israel


    On Thursday May 15, Randy Yaloz joined a debate team on the I24 channel to discuss Donald Trump's Middle East trip and its impact on Israel.

    After 19 minutes, and more specifically after 30 minutes, the debate about the Jewish state's solitide in the face of terrorists and other foes at Les Grandes Gueules avec David Neeman turns to the Trump trip, while the intervention by the head of Republicans Overseas France starts at the 30:30 minute mark and goes on to the 33:03 minute mark. Surprisingly, therefore, in a program that lasts almost an hour (56 minutes) — and during which at least one participant seemed to go berserk — the American was only given a very quick 2.5-minute remote slot; but Randy managed to say a lot in a short period of time. Bravo Randy! 



     

    Monday, May 19, 2025

    What Nobody Tells You About Apartheid and Jim Crow: The Policies of South Africa and of the USA's Southern States Were Neither Rightist Nor (Primarily) Racist; What They Were Was "Socialism with a Racist Face"

    Lost in the ongoing brouhaha about a group of Afrikaner refugees being accepted in Donald Trump's America is the fact that Apartheid was neither a rightist nor even a primarily rac(ial)ist one. The same stands for Jim Crow, as well as slavery, in the Southern States.

    As you can't avoid having heard, the Republican Party is often demonized for being predominant in the states that used to have slavery and Jim Crow. Actually, once the Southern states stopped being socialist and discriminatory, they naturally turned towards the free market. And so the Democrat party was left behind, along with and in the wake of Jim Crow and slavery. (Dankie aan Sarah vir die InstaHiperskakel.)

    The 20th-century policies of South Africa and America's southern states were leftist policies, typical leftist policies, as it were, designed against capitalism and the free market. Indeed, as David R Henderson writes, 

    "The socialist roots of Apartheid are a secret in plain sight."

    I will never be able to thank David R Henderson enough for his eye-opening Joy of Freedom (one of my very earliest internet and Amazon purchases), which, during the year 2003, pivoted me once and for all to conservatism and contributed to starting me on my blogging career (which has now lasted for over 21 years). As I wrote in 2003 or 2004, after I opened my first website/weblog, the book

    is one of the biggest literary discoveries (philosophically speaking) in my life. … Although its subject is the "dismal science" — economics (its subtitle is "An Economist's Odyssey") — David R Henderson's book is a breath of fresh air. Directly or indirectly, it gives in-depth insight about subjects such as racism, segregation, unions, war, communism, fascism, anti-Americanism, education, ecology, and even the fourth movement of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony

    The chapter on South Africa's apartheid era is especially eye-opening, and excerpts from said chapter are below, followed by Henderson's comments of America's slavery and Jim Crow era. (If you read this, David, please have the book republished — I bought a dozen copies during and after the Iraq War to hand out as gifts — or at least have it issued as an e-book.)

    The main opponents of Apartheid were not just the black people who wanted better jobs, but also the white employers who wanted to hire them.
    Before we go into the main subject of today's post, here are a couple of posts throughout the years featuring the writings of David R Henderson — who is a blogger at the EconLib blog and whose "specialty is in making economics understandable to non-economists" — both from my first couple of years of blogging, i.e., both 20 years old or more:
    • "Income Is Determined Not by Society Distributing, But by Individuals Earning"
    Poverty and How to Reduce It 

    • Did you know? Of all the peoples on the African continent (once known as the "Dark Continent"), the only ones to describe themselves (and their language) officially as "African(s)" happen to be light-skinned, indeed white people, i.e., South Africa's Afrikaans-speaking Afrikaners.

    • Did you know? The word "USA" stands, or used to stand, for two countries: the United States of America, obviously, of course, as well as the Union of South Africa (before the Unie van Suid-Afrika was renamed the Republic of South Africa).

    • Did you know? One of the most amazing things I remember learning in college, and that I will never forget, was that the worst animosity between communities in South Africa was in fact not between whites and blacks, but between blacks and blacks (the Xhosa versus the Zulus) on the one hand and between whites and whites (the farming descendants of the Dutch versus the business-oriented descendants of the British) on the other.

    More: • Mandela and the ANC: A Look Back
    Fans of Mandela Like to Forget That One of the ANC's Biggest Supporters Was Muammar Gaddafi

    Without further ado: here are excerpts from The Joy of Freedom's Chapter 7, which starts out by describing South Africa and segues into America's slavery and Jim Crow eras. (I have avoided using ellipses [i.e., "…"s], but each paragraph below is from a different part of the chapter between pages 102 and 131…)

    Free Markets Versus Discrimination

    By far the most common, vicious, and destructive use of force against racial and ethnic groups is by governments themselves.                                

    Government use of force against ethnic groups is far more effective than private use of force.   

    Interestingly, Apartheid and its precursor, the Colour Bar, resulted from the South African government's desire to help white workers avoid having to compete with black workers.  Apartheid was, in essence, an extreme form of affirmative action for whites.  "Workers of the world unite, and fight for a white South Africa."

    Apartheid was, in the words of socialist Thomas Hazlett (in Henderson's "The Fortune Encyclopoedia of Economics"), "socialism with a racist face"The socialist roots of Apartheid are a secret in plain sight.  Although these roots are well-known to scholars who have studied Apartheid, they have received little publicity in the West.  That so few Western intellectuals have been unwilling to look seriously at Apartheid's socialist roots is not surprising.  After all, a serious examination of those roots could easily lead to doubts about the goodness of socialism.   And, as most of us know, questioning the strongly held beliefs in which we have a lot invested is usually painful.

    But avoiding pain is never a good enough reason to avoid thinking and understanding, especially when the issue is so crucial.        

    Let's examine the roots of Apartheid.

    Who pushed for the Colour Bar?   Not employers.  Indeed, employers wanted the many black workers who were as qualified as the white workers and who were often willing to work for lower wages.  The main people who pushed for laws enforcing racial discrimination in workplaces were the white union workers.  Their reason was simple:  they did not want to compete with black workers.  By passing laws that to make work by blacks illegal, the white union workers could restrict the supply of labor and drive up their own wages.

    Hazlett:  "Industrialists, eyeing low-wage blacks anywhere in their neighborhoods, found them irresistible."  That, from the viewpoint of many whites, was the problem.  The employers' profit motive and the black workers' desire for better-paying jobs created constant pressure for racial discrimination to break down.  Moreover, blacks working alongside whites led to social integration, and social integration led to further economic cooperation, thus breaking down the Colour Bar even more.

    So there you have it.  Apartheid did not come about simply because South African whites didn't like South African blacks or because whites considered blacks inferior.  Those factors were necessary and were present, but the impetus for Apartheid came almost solely from white workers who used government regulation to prevent blacks from competing with them.  Without government as the enforcer, the believers in Apartheid would have been seen as a bunch of cranks and would have had their own little racist sects, but would not have been able to able to determine where blacks and whites worked and lived for 40 years.  The main opponents of Apartheid were not just the black people who wanted better jobs, but also the white employers who wanted to hire them.

    Slavery … is essentially legalized kidnapping.                         

    The U.S. government helped maintain slavery in three main ways.

    Government discrimination against black people continued well into the 20th century.  Laws in the South required discrimination in restaurants and other privately owned facilities, whether or not the owners desired it.  These segregation laws were thus a direct attack on the property rights of the owners

    Small wonder that early 20th-century black leaders Booker T Washington and W.E.B. Dubois, whose disagreements with each other are legendary, agreed on unions.            

    DuBois:  "[Unions are] the greatest enemy of the black working man."

    How did unions become so powerful?  That can be answered in one word:  Government.

    F Ray Marshall points out that the craft unions (for example, the plumbers union) could discriminate more than the industrial unions (the auto workers) because the craft unions could determine literally who could join and who could not.        

    By contrast, employers of workers in industrial unions usually make the hiring decisions.

    "look for the union label" 1880s ad campaign

    Unions also were strong supporters of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882
    They also supported the Immigration Act of 1924, which restricted Japanese people
    from immigrating.

    The loss in jobs caused by the minimum wage is not an accidental byproduct of the higher minimum wages.  It is the consequence intended by those who most avidly support increasing minimum wages.  Unions don't support minimum wage increases because their own members are working at the minimum wage.  Virtually all union employees — I've never heard of an exception — work at wages above the minimum.                

    Although probably no one today would dare admit it, many who vote for increases in the minimum wage understand that one consequence will be to destroy jobs for the least skilled workers, a disproportionate number of whom are black.

    Why were buses and streetcars segregated in the first place?  It wasn't because the streetcar companies wanted it that way, but because local government required it.  In fact, owners and managers of private streetcars strongly opposed segregation.  Before the law required segregation, most streetcar companies voluntarily segregated tobacco users, not blacks.  Nonsmokers of either race were allowed to ride where they wished, but smokers were relegated to the back or the outside platform.  Even after segregation laws were passed early in the 20th century, streetcar companies dragged their heels for as long as they could before complying.  Their objection was very simple:  Racial discrimination cost them money.  

    In Augusta, Savannah, Atlanta, Mobile, and Jacksonville, streetcar companies refused to enforce segregation laws for as long as 15 years after the laws' passage.  But as the government stepped up the legal pressure, the streetcar companies finally had to comply with the law, and the United States stumbled further into government-enforced segregation.

    This is how markets work.  Employers care mainly about people's productivity relative to their compensation package.  Employers who want to discriminate on grounds other than productivity may do so, but they pay a price — they pass up the opportunity to hire people whose productivity exceeds their wage rate.            [Schindler's List]

    Throughout history, governments have generally been much less tolerant of racial differences than private employers have been.  This is because the government officials who discriminate incur no cost for doing so, as long as discrimination is politically acceptable, which it often has been.

    The free market helps break down discrimination in all economic transactions                

    Markets are especially good at breaking down discrimination when what is exchanged is goods rather than just labor.

    When it comes to saving their economic lives, even otherwise prejudiced people are downright tolerant.

    As economist and Nobel prize-winner Gary Becker makes clear in his book "The Economics of Discrimination", free markets make discriminators pay for discriminating.         

    The bottom line is that in a free market, any employer who discriminates on grounds that have nothing to do with productivity will pay a cost for doing so.  The economic system that removes the props from racism is free markets.

    That freedom breaks down racial and other kinds of discrimination is one reason many people don't like free markets.        [Including the independence-minded leaders of decolonization!]

    In the vast majority of cases, the result of freedom will be racial tolerance and tolerance of differences generally.

    Freedom of association means that people should be free to hire or not hire, or to work for or not work for, whom they please.

    Moreover, laws against discrimination seem invariably to get out of control in two ways.  First, the government often starts to require discrimination.

    Second, they make even sensible discrimination illegal.

    Laws beginning as modest antidiscrimination measures inevitably evolve into laws that require discrimination or ban reasonable discrimination.

    In a government-run society, unpopular groups are often discriminated against, often as a matter of government policy.  In a free society, on the other hand, freedom removes the props from discrimination.  Government policies against discrimination by business makes headlines.  Yet market penalties against discrimination are much more forceful and consistent than government penalties.  These market penalties almost never make headlines, and few people know about them.  But a free-market economy exacts a stiff penalty from employers who discriminate against people on any basis other than productivity.  For all their holier-than-thou talk about the evils of racial and other discrimination, government officials have been the main enemies of unpopular groups, and profit-maximizing businessmen have been their main saviors. Indeed, the market penalty for discrimination has been so strong that businessmen are often tenacious champions of fair treatment, even when doing so is unpopular and even when the businessmen would themselves prefer to discriminate.

    "Why did men die of hunger, for six thousand years?  Why did they walk, and carry goods and other men on their backs, for six thousand years, and suddenly, in one century, only on a sixth of the earth's surface, they make steamships, railroads, motors, and are now flying around the earth in its utmost heights of air?  Why did families live thousands of years in floorless hovels, without windows and chimneys, then, in eighty years and only in the United States, they are taking floors, chimneys, glass windows for granted, and regarding electric lights, porcelain toilets, and windowless screens as minimum necessities?"   
    (Rose Wilder Lane, The Discovery of Freedom: Man's Struggle Against Authority)

    Related: More entries in NP's What Nobody Tells You About… series:

    What Nobody Tells You About Indians and Other Native Americans
    What Nobody Tells You About the Alamo and the Texas Revolution of the 1830s
    What Nobody Tells You About the Israeli Rave of October 7, 2023

    OSZAR »